The Nuclear Elephant in the Room:
Why No One
Talks About the U.S. Nuclear Threat
by James Dinwiddie - February 9,
2007 |
Imagine a scene where a family
is anxiously gathered in their living room to discuss a
growing problem with their neighbors. It seems that one
of their more troublesome neighbors has been threatening
them, and lately set off a large explosion to validate
the threat. Yet another of their neighbors has been threatening
them with malicious mischief, and making ingredients for
high-explosives in blatant contempt for the law. The neighborhood
is in danger of spinning out of control. Several neighbors
have been actively making and demonstrating explosives
in contempt of the neighborhood's determination to disallow
such dangerous and threatening activities.
The family discussion centers
on what to do about these aggravating neighbors, and several
strategies are on the table. One suggests legal action
to confiscate or render the neighbors’ high-explosives
inoperative. Another suggests a punitive stealth attack
to ruin the neighbors’ explosives making capabilities.
These strategies involve serious risks, because existing
laws prohibiting the creation of high-explosives may not
be applied or obeyed, and any one-sided attacks will demand
extreme measures that will implicate the family in illegal
violence. The family has importantly decided that it cannot
speak to these troublemakers directly, but must rely on
other neighbors to negotiate an acceptable surrender from
their foes. The situation is at an impasse.
In our imaginary scene, one
brave family member chimes in to remind everyone that this
family is the original inventor and user of the high-explosives
in question. Not only that, the family has, on numerous
occasions, demonstrated its neighbor-threatening destructive
capabilities by exploding scary weapons, first in the atmosphere
and then below ground, in public displays designed to intimidate.
The family has built and hoarded an enormous hidden arsenal
of high-explosives that no one, even most family members
themselves, is allowed to know about or discuss. The not-so-secret
past of this family, our courageous protagonist reminds,
includes the well-known destruction of two of their neighbor’s
homes, and the incessant, often-exhibited threat of destroying
the entire neighborhood at their whim. He suggests that,
just perhaps, the threatening posture of his own family
may have created the situation with the neighbors, and
by admitting and changing its behavior the family may finally
win a much desired peace in the neighborhood.
These brave observations, instead
of presenting an eye-opening epiphany to the family, are
greeted with silence, then derision, and then outright
criticism. The brave observer is now regarded as a traitor.
His assertions are unwelcome and prohibited from discussion.
Family members whisper that he must have gone crazy, or
that his idealism has gotten the better of him, or that
he has a secret agenda to destroy the family.
No one will acknowledge the
truth -- that the threat now posed by their neighbors originates
with this family and is perpetuated by their own exclusive-minded
threatening. This truth is the obvious and commanding reality
that cannot be discussed, the proverbial “elephant
in the room”. The family behaves as if this prominent
actuality doesn’t matter and, for solving their current
problem with the neighbors, they regard it as irrelevant.
Before we leave this too-obvious analogy, it should be mentioned
that the family has currently concluded the sale of its
explosives-making technology to another neighbor it regards
as "friendly". In the past, the family has encouraged
and helped several of its "friends" to make and
store high-explosives, despite the overwhelming consensus
of the neighborhood -- including generations of this family
-- that such explosives are dangerous and unwelcome. The
utter hypocrisy and immorality of such activities is lost
on the family members, who cannot discuss or even acknowledge
the "elephant in the room".
Unfortunately, this analogy
is not a mere abstraction. The Bush Administration has
imposed its famous love of secrecy on all matters pertaining
to U.S. production, storage, and deployment of nuclear
weapons. The American people, whose "security" is
asserted as the reason for the enormous U.S. nuclear arsenal,
are now prohibited from knowing about the size, content,
deployment, or status of this world-threatening arsenal
built in their name, even in historic terms. (Note 1)
The imposition of a secretive "security" regime
regarding nuclear weapons is nothing new. It has been employed
since the beginning of the nuclear age to both ensure the
unfettered development of nuclear weapons and to silence
knowledgeable critics. One only has to regard the history
of Robert Oppenheimer's purge from the nuclear establishment,
or the sneering persecution of Nobel Laureate Linus Pauling,
to understand the current reluctance of scientists and
media professionals to speak openly about the threat implied
by American nuclear weapons. The nuclear "security" regime
is notoriously good at keeping its secrets, oversensitive
to criticism, and vindictive towards its critics.
Nevertheless, over decades
of daunting challenges, the persistent efforts of anti-nuclear
advocates finally brought the United States, in 1968, to
sign the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and embrace
its vision of a world free of nuclear weapons. With its
endorsement of the treaty, the United States acknowledged
its responsibility to cease proliferating, and to negotiate “in
good faith” for the elimination nuclear weapons from
the world. The achievements of the NPT have largely been
ignored and abandoned by Bush II's Administration. (Note
2)
The recent demonstration of
nuclear capabilities by North Korea, and the possible acquisition
of nuclear weapons implied by Iran's uranium enrichment
activities, have laid bare the sanctimony and bad faith
of the United States in its nuclear proliferation policies.
Although the single nuclear
explosion recently orchestrated by North Korea stands in
stark contrast to the 1,054 nuclear tests conducted by
the United States, none of our political leaders seem able
to grasp the contradiction inherent in their stern admonishments
that North Korea's nuclear explosions are illegal, immoral,
and must not be allowed.
In the sensationalized U.S.
media reports surrounding the North Korean nuclear explosion,
scant mention is made of the numerous U.S. nuclear weapons
targeting Pyongyang. Even though North Korea has demanded
that such U.S. threats cease as a prerequisite for meaningful
talks about abandoning their nuclear weapons program, the
posture of the Bush II administration is that the threat
posed by American nuclear weapons is inviolable and cannot
be negotiated, even as a topic of discussion. Although
President Bush allowed himself to say that U.S. policy
sought "a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula", no
admission or explanation of the United States' role in
amplifying nuclear tensions there has been forthcoming.
The uranium enrichment activities
undertaken by Iran, ostensibly for "peaceful" nuclear power generation, are
the source of urgent diplomatic threatening. Iran, a NPT
signatory, has endorsed, defended, and offered to strengthen
the NPT. Nevertheless, the Bush II administration's profitable
sale of nuclear enrichment technology to India, with no
credible pretense that such technology will be used for "peaceful" purposes,
is lauded as a wonderful step forward in U.S./India relations.
India has steadfastly refused to sign or endorse the Non-Proliferation
Treaty.
The U.S. Congress, which approved
the deal, is, again, unable to make the link between the
proliferation of nuclear technology to India and U.S. obligations
under the NPT. The impending threat posed by Iran's disdain
for international opinion and obligations under the very
same treaty is regarded as an international crisis, demanding
sanctions or worse; while the sale of nuclear enrichment
technology to India, a nuclear "rogue state" in
NPT terms, is regarded as a blessing.
There is a black-out
in effect for the U.S. news media regarding the number
one contention of the Iranians regarding their nuclear
ambitions -- that their sworn enemy, Israel, has, for decades
secretly built and amassed nuclear weapons to threaten
the region, especially Iran. The furtive secret of Israel's
nuclear capabilities has been hypocritically approved by,
and may even have been abetted by, the United States. The
U.S., following Israel's policy, has staunchly denied the
existence of well-known Israeli nuclear capabilities, and
prevents any discussion of this important concealment in
international forums or Arab/Israeli negotiations. Israel
has never signed, and does not endorse, the nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty.
On Bush's watch, "atomic weapons have been
revalued - not quite to the point of legitimacy, perhaps,
but certainly upward, as sources of influence, national
pride, and anti-American defiance." The posture of
this Administration regards the NPT as irrelevant, and
argues, "it is time to embrace an updated system of
the deterrence and threats of massive retaliation that
prevailed during the Cold War."
The solution to the
problem of nuclear weapons proliferation is to engage the
imagination and will of the world's people who stand to
win their future, or lose it catastrophically, depending
on the outcome of the project of making nuclear weapons
illegitimate. These "people" are not only North
Korean dictators or Iranian zealots, Russians, Israelis,
or Pakistanis, but United States citizens. The international
project of making nuclear weapons illegitimate -- active
since the first days of the Nuclear Age -- is currently
embodied in the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The unique
position of the United States, as both the inventor, single
user, and chief propagator of these world-threatening weapons,
makes this nation especially responsible to ensure that
they are never used again.
Until Americans can recognize
our own role in this dangerous situation, and come fully
and honestly to grips with our responsibility to change
our own awareness and behavior, "the elephant in the
room" will continue to prevent any meaningful change.
To turn away from this responsibility, to continue to erode
the decades of positive work manifested in the NPT, to
willingly fail in our critical duty, would be far more
irrational and irresponsible than any calculation made
by North Korea or Iran. It is time to acknowledge the brave
and discerning actions of those who seek to bring the people
and government of the United States, reluctant though they
may be, to an honest recognition of their own accountability.
It is time to challenge all
the citizens of the world to stop denying it is we ourselves
who created this life-threatening situation and perpetuate
it; and it is also we who have the power and ability to
change it. If we can simply awaken to our true responsibility, "the elephant in the room" will
disappear --really, and not just by our denying it. Only
by changing ourselves can we hope to change the world.
1. NCH WASHINGTON UPDATE (Vol.
12, #33; 24 August 2006): According to a report released
in August, 2006 by the National Security Archive (NSA),
the Pentagon and the Energy Department have reclassified
as national security secrets historical data relating to
the size of the American nuclear arsenal during the Cold
War.
The NSA report details for the public the number of
Minuteman missiles (1,000), Titan II missiles (54), and
submarine-launched ballistic missiles (656) in the historic
U.S. Cold War arsenal – information that had previously
been public through the administrations of four Secretaries
of Defense in the 1960s and 70s but is now blacked out.
Security classifiers have also redacted from documents
deployment information relating to the number of American
nuclear weapons in Great Britain and Germany -- information
that was first declassified in 1999. Also blacked out --
details regarding the nuclear deployment arrangements with
Canada, even though the Canadian government has declassified
its side of the arrangement.
2. Consider the sanctions
imposed under the authority of the NPT, and the real accomplishments
of its police force, the IAEA, in Iraq, where, after years
of a rigorous inspection regime, and in spite of militant
arguments by the Bush Administration to the contrary, Iraq
was found to be free of nuclear, chemical, and biological
weapons.
3. Coll, Steve (October 23
2006). "Nuke
Rebuke". The New Yorker, p 31.
4. Ibid.
James Dinwiddie is a member of the Nuclear Age Peace
Foundation.
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