The Specter Of Vietnam
by Howard Zinn*, June 25, 2003
Originally published on tompaine.com
The war in Iraq is different in so many ways from
the war waged by the United States in Vietnam that we wonder why,
like the telltale heart beating behind the murderer's wall in
Edgar Allan Poe's story, the drumbeat of Vietnam can still be
heard.
The Vietnam war lasted eight years, the Iraq war
three weeks. In Vietnam there were 58,000 U.S. combat casualties,
in Iraq a few hundred. Our enemy in Vietnam was a popular national
figure -- Ho Chin Minh. Our enemy in Iraq, Saddam Hussein, was
hated by most of his people. One war was fought in jungles and
mountains with a largely draftee army, the other in a sandy desert
with volunteer soldiers. The United States was defeated in Vietnam.
It was victorious in Iraq.
The elder President Bush in 1991, after the first
war against Iraq, announced proudly: "The specter of Vietnam
has been buried forever in the desert sands of the Arabian peninsula."
But is the "Vietnam syndrome" really
gone from the national consciousness? Is there not a fundamental
similarity -- that in both instances we see the most powerful
country in the world sending its armies, ships and planes halfway
around the world to invade and bomb a small country for reasons
which become harder and harder to justify?
The justifications were created, in both situations,
by lying to the American public. Congress gave Lyndon Johnson
the power to make war in Vietnam after his administration announced
that U.S. ships, on "routine patrol" had been attacked
in the Gulf of Tonkin. Every element of this claim was later shown
to be false.
Similarly, the reason initially given for going
to war in Iraq -- that Saddam Hussein had "weapons of mass
destruction," turns out to be a fabrication. None have been
found, either by a small army of U.N. inspectors, or a large American
army searching the entire country.
White House spokesman Ari Fleischer had told the
nation: "We know for a fact that there are weapons there."
Astonishingly, after the war Bush said on Polish TV, "We've
found the weapons of mass destruction."
The "documents" Bush cited in his State
of the Union address to "prove" that Iraq possessed
weapons of mass destruction turned out to be forged. The so-called
"drones of death" turned out to be model airplanes.
What Colin Powell called "decontamination trucks" were
found to be fire trucks. What U.S. leaders called "mobile
germ labs" were found by an official British inspection team
to be used for inflating artillery balloons.
Furthermore, the Bush administration deceived the
American public into believing, as a majority still do, that there
was a connection between Saddam Hussein and the Al Qaeda terrorists
who planned the attack on 9/11. Not an iota of evidence has been
produced to support that.
Both a Communist Vietnam and an Iraq ruled by Saddam
Hussein were presented as imminent threats to American national
security. There was no solid basis for this fear in either case;
indeed Iraq was a country devastated by two wars and 10 years
of sanctions, but the claim was useful for an administration bringing
its people into a deadly war.
What was not talked about publicly at the time
of the Vietnam War was something said secretly in intra-governmental
memoranda -- that the interest of the United States in Southeast
Asia was not the establishment of democracy, but the protection
of access to the oil, tin and rubber of that region. In the Iraqi
case, the obvious crucial role of oil in U.S. policy has been
whisked out of sight, lest it reveal less than noble motives in
the drive to war.
In the Vietnam case, the truth gradually came through
to the American public, and the government was forced to bring
the war to a halt. Today, the question remains whether the American
people will at some point see behind the deceptions, and join
in a great citizens movement to stop what seems to be a relentless
drive to war and empire, at the expense of human rights here and
abroad.
On the answer to this question hangs the future
of the nation.
*Howard Zinn is an historian and author of A People's History
of the United States.
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