An Open Letter to
Vladimir Putin - Why?
by F.H. Knelman, Ph.D.*, May 2002
The Russian agreement to the U.S.-initiated agreement
to cut their strategic nuclear forces by two-thirds is astounding,
given that this is playing directly into U.S. plans for global
supremacy. For one thing, the U.S. is not going to actually destroy
but only shelve the above cuts, at any time able to retrieve them
from storage. The Russian nuclear military regime, on the other
hand, is in shambles. Retrieval for them will be more difficult.
At the same time, the Russians are actually requesting U.S. assistance
to rationalize their nuclear regime, providing the U.S. with important
intelligence data, such as the stored missile site.
But even worse, the basic motive of the U.S. in
initiating these strategic missile cuts is to improve the effectiveness
of their anti- ballistic missile defences, radically reducing
the number of targets comprising a Russian attack on the U.S.
Given the U.S. basic counterforce strategy, we are moving into
a time when mutual assured destruction between the two major nuclear
powers is becoming an American monopoly, altering the mutual to
the unilateral. Do the Russians really believe that the land-based
missile defences being constructed in Alaska and the new Northern
Command are directed to an attack by Iraq?
The only possible rationale for the Russian position
is that they are confident they can develop a variety of penetrating
aids for their strategic missiles which will distract, confuse
and overcome U.S. missile defences. We would then be entering
a new dynamic of the nuclear arms race between anti-missiles and
anti anti-missiles. Given the disarray of the Russian nuclear
regime and their general economic problems, the latter may be
a vain hope.
Thus we are left to conclude that the Russian position
is inexplicable. They had the opportunity to tie strategic missile
reductions in exchange for the U.S. to uphold the Anti-Ballistic
Missile (ABM) Treaty. Could it just have been the mighty U.S.
dollar that denied them this option? For example, we know they
desperately require assistance to clean up their vast nuclear
reserves consisting of huge amounts of radioactive waste, large
numbers of tactical weapons and stockpiles of weapons grade nuclear
materials comprising an open invitation for accidents or acts
of malice of one kind or another. Also we are witnessing an increasing
U.S. presence in the former Soviet republics that surround Russia,
at some future time representing a direct threat. And finally,
we cannot understand Russia's lack of response at being identified
as one of the seven enemy states to be targeted with nuclear weapons
in the U.S. 2002 Nuclear Posture Review, let alone the existing
U.S. Single Integrated Operational Plan (SIOP), a nuclear hit
list against Russian targets of value. And surely they are aware
of the U.S. first disarming strike policy.
Putin can still recoup a major diplomatic victory
by supporting the forthcoming Space Preservation Treaty. Both
Russia and China have expressed their opposition to the U.S. abrogation
of the Anti- Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty of 1972. Together
Canada, Russia and China could have a very positive impact on
the success of the Treaty. The Space Preservation Treaty, initiated
by Congressman Dennis Kucinich (D-Ohio), is being circulated to
every nation state leader. It can be immediately signed and sent
to the U.N. Secretary General's office as Treaty Depositary, and
ratified quickly.
The Space Preservation Treaty is an international
companion to legislation introduced by Kucinich in the U.S. House
of Representatives, H.R. 3616, the Space Preservation Act of 2002,
in January, 2002. Both the Treaty and the bill ban all space-based
weapons and the use of weapons designed to destroy any object
in space that is in orbit. It also immediately terminates research,
development, testing, manufacturing, and deployment of all space-
based weapons, but does not prohibit space exploration, R&D,
testing, production, manufacturing and deployment of any civil,
commercial or defense activities in space that are not related
to space-based weapons, thus reserving space for the benefit of
all living things on our small planet. This Treaty will also be
verifiable. It requires that an outer space peacekeeping agency
be established to monitor and enforce the ban.
The momentum of getting this Treaty supported and
passed into law has begun, and this ban on space-based weapons
can become reality in 2002. This world treaty will fill the legal
void left by the abrogation of the ABM Treaty. It will replace
the ABM Treaty. With the support of Canada, Russia and China a
large majority of members of the United Nations would likely sign
on to the Treaty, as most nation-state leaders have already expressed
support for preserving space for weapons-free peaceful, cooperative
purposes. The European Union (with the exception of Britain) are
likely signatories. isolating the United States and exposing its
unilateralism and contempt for the rest of the world is, in itself,
a lofty goal. A possible change in the balance of power in the
U.S. Congress at the end of 2002 and a strong contender for a
president in 2004 devoted to strength through peace rather than
the reverse, who could establish this Treaty as Universal Law
and save the world from an inevitable nuclear catastrophe.
In conclusion, the Space Preservation Treaty is
one of the most important initiatives of our time! It is truly
worthy of our support. Let us all begin by moving Canada to be
an early signatory.
For detailed information on the Space Preservation
Treaty, contact the Institute for Cooperation in Space (ICIS)
at www.peaceinspace.com, c/o Dr. Carol Rosin : e-mail: rosin@west.net
or call 805-641-1999 (in the U.S.) or Alfred Webre JD MEd at info@peaceinspace.com
or call 604-733-8134 (in Canada).
*F.H. Knelman received his doctorate in Engineering
at the Imperial College of Science, University of London, U.K.
He has enjoyed a long teaching career, having taught Liberal Studies
of Science, York University, 1962-1967 and Director and Full Professor
of Science & Human Affairs, Concordia University, 1967-1987.
Dr. Knelman also taught Peace Studies at the Grindstone Island
Peace School, Santa Barbara College, Langara College and Simon
Fraser University. As well, he taught Environmental Studies at
UC Santa Barbara and Santa Cruz and the University of Victoria.
He is the author of over 500 articles, papers and studies on the
subjects of common security, environment, energy and the social
relations of science and technology, as well as many technical
papers and numerous keynote addresses.
Among his books are 1984 and All
That, Wadsworth Publishing; Nuclear Energy: The Unforgiving
Technology, Hurtig Publishers (1975); Anti-Nation: Transition
to Sustainability, Mosaic Press (1979); Reagan, God and the Bomb,
Prometheus Books (1985); America, God and the Bomb: The Legacy
of Ronald Reagan, New Star Books (1987) and Every Life is a Story:
The Social Relations of Science, Peace and Ecology, Black Rose
Books (1999).
He is the recipient of many awards, among which are
the World Wildlife Fund Prize, 1967, the World Federalists Peace
Essay Prize (1970), the White Owl Conservation Prize (1972 - as
Canada's outstanding environmentalist), the Ben Gurion University
Medal of Merit, 1983, the United Nations Association Special Achievement
Award (Montreal) and a special award for meritorious service to
the cause of common security by the Canadian Peace Research and
Education Association in 1987. Dr. Knelman was awarded the Queen's
1992 Commemorative Medal and, in 1994 the World Federalists of
Canada "World Peace Prize." In 1996 he was awarded the
Environmental Lifetime Achievement Award by The Skies Above Foundation.
He is also a lifetime member of the 500 Club of Rome.
Professor Knelman has a long history of involvement
in environmental issues, spanning some forty years. He is associated
with the founding of the earliest environmental Non-Government
Organizations (ENGOs) in Canada, as well as being the founder
of Scientists for Social Responsibility, Canada's first scientific
group concerned with environmental issues (1964). He is currently
Vice- President and Founding Director of the Whistler Foundation
for a Sustainable Environment. Dr. Knelman was attached to the
Science Council of Canada on a major energy conservation study
(Background Study #33). He is on the Advisory Board of the Nuclear
Age Peace Foundation in Santa Barbara, CA and past Editor of The
Health Guardian, a Journal of Alternative Medicine.
Dr. Knelman has conducted extensive research in energy/environment
policy. He has been the keynote speaker at some twenty-five national
and international conferences on these themes. In 1981 he was
the special adviser on energy/environment to the State of California
and an early consultant to the Federal Department of Environment,
Ottawa, in the 1970's. He was one of forty scientists in the world
invited to a parallel conference at the U.N. Conference on the
Human Environment, Stockholm, 1972. He co-authored a Nobel Prize
Winner Declaration submitted to the 1992 U.N. Conference on Environment
and Development in Rio.
Dr. Knelman is a founding member of the Canadian
Peace and Education Association and writes a regular monthly column,
"Our Nuclear Age" for the Vancouver-based journal "Outlook"
and is a frequent contributor to several other journals.
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