General Lee Butler
on NATO's Nuclear Policy
December 10, 1998
Jean-Pol Poncelet
Minister of Defense
Belgian Ministry of Defense
Belgium
Via Fax: 32-2-550-29-19
Dear Defense Minister Poncelet,
German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer’s
suggestion that NATO revise its nuclear doctrine is most welcome.
As you discuss these matters with your colleagues it may be that
my own experience in thinking through this question as the Director
of Strategic Plans and Policy for the U. S. armed forces during
the Gulf war might be helpful. I was equally engaged in the matter
of prospective nuclear response to attack by WMD during my tenure
as Commander-in-Chief of U. S. Strategic Command during the period
1991 to 1994.
As you are keenly aware, the Gulf War presented
us with the very real possibility of confronting such an attack
by the forces of Iraq. We went through the exercise of imagining
how it might unfold and examining a variety of response options.
My personal conclusion was that under any likely attack scenario,
a nuclear reply by the United States and its allies was simply
out of the question.
First, from a purely military perspective, the
coalition forces had the conventional capability to impose any
desired war termination objectives on Iraq, to include unconditional
surrender and occupation. For a variety of reasons, we elected
not to go to that extreme but it was clearly an option in the
face of a WMD attack.
Second, given our conventional superiority, and
the nature of the war zone, the use of nuclear weapons simply
made no tactical nor strategic sense. General Powell noted in
his memoirs that several weapons would have been required to mount
any sort of effective campaign against military targets, an option
that Secretary Cheney immediately rejected - and understandably
so. Further, whatever the immediate battlefield effects, the problems
of radioactive fall-out carrying over into friendly forces or
surrounding countries were unfathomable.
Third, the larger political issues were insurmountable.
What could possibly justify our resort to the very means we properly
abhor and condemn? How could we hold an entire society accountable
for the decision of a single demented leader who holds his own
country hostage? Moreover, the consequences for the nonproliferation
regime would have been severe. By joining our enemy in shattering
the tradition of non-use that had held for 45 years, we would
have destroyed U.S. credibility as leader of the campaign against
nuclear proliferation; indeed, we would likely have emboldened
a whole now array of nuclear aspirants.
In short, in a singular act we would have martyred
our principal foe, alienated our friends, destroyed the coalition
so painstakingly constructed, given comfort to the non-declared
nuclear states and impetus to states who seek such weapons covertly.
In the end, we tried to have it both ways, privately
ruling out a nuclear reply while maintaining an ambiguous declaratory
policy. The infamous and widely misre-presented letter from Secretary
Baker to Baghdad was ill-advised; in fact, Iraq violated with
impunity one of its cardinal prohibitions by torching Kuwait's
oil fields.
When I left my J-5 post in Washington and took
up this issue as CINCSTRAT, I found all of the foregoing cautions
to be relevant across a wide spectrum of prospective targets in
a variety of so-called rogue nations. I ultimately concluded that
whatever the utility of a First Use policy during the Cold War,
it is entirely inappropriate to the new global security environment;
worse, it is counterproductive to the goal of nonproliferation
and antithetical to the values of democratic societies.
Please forgive this rather abrupt intrusion into
your deliberations. Obviously, I would not take such a liberty
if I did not believe it was warranted by the import and the urgency
of the issue.
Warm regards,
Lee Butler
General, USAF (Retired)
11122 Williams Plaza
Omaha, NE 68144
The letter was sent to the following official:.
Jean-Pol Poncelet
Minister of Defense
Belgian Ministry of Defense
Belgium
Via Fax: 32-2-550-29-19
Art Eggleton
Minister of Defense
Canadian Department of National Defense
Canada
Via Fax: 613-995-8189
Hans Haekkerup
Minister of Defense
Royal Danish Ministry of Defense
Denmark
Via Fax: 45-33-32-0655
Akis Tsohatzpoulos
Minister of Defense
Greek Ministry of Defense
Greece
Via Fax: 301-644-3832
Eduardo Serra Rexach
Minister of Defense
Spanish Ministry of Defense
Spain
Via Fax: 34-91-55-63958
Joris Voorhoeve
Minister of Defense
Dutch Ministry of Defense
The Netherlands
Via Fax: 31-70-345-9189
Ismet Sezgin
Minister of Defense
Turkish Ministry of Defense
Turkey
Via Fax: 90-312-418-3384
Jose Veiga Simao
Minister of Defense
Portugese Ministry of Defense
Portugal
Via Fax: 351-1-301-95-55
Beniamino Andreatta
Minister of Defense
Italian Ministry of Defense
Italy
Via Fax: 39-06-488-5756
Rudolf Scharping
Minister of Defense
German Ministry of Defense
Germany
Via Fax: 49-228-12-5255
Dag Jostein Fjaevoll
Minister of Defense
Norwegian Ministry of Defense
Norway
Via Fax: 47-23-09-2323
George Roberston
Minster of Defence
UK Ministry of Defence
United Kingdom
Via Fax: 44-171-218-7140
Alain Richard
Minister of Defense
French Ministry of Defense
France
Via Fax: 33-1-47-05-40-91
Hallder Asgrimsson
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Icelandic Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Iceland
Via Fax: 354-562-2373
Alex Bodry
Foreign Minister
Ministere de la Force Publique
Luxembourg
Via Fax: 352-46-26-82
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