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We
Are All Culpable
by David Krieger*, July,
1998
Originally published in the Bulletin
of Atomic Scientists
Gen. Lee Butler’s critique of
deterrence theory and of the continued reliance on nuclear weapons
(“A Voice of Reason,” May/June 1998 Bulletin) is a
well-argued, powerful and eloquent statement by a man of conscience.
At the same time, it is frightening. Butler relates that objections
to the calculus of mass murder inherent in deterrence theory continue
to be “overruled by the incantations of the nuclear priesthood.”
Butler concludes: “It is time
to reassert the primacy of individual conscience, the voice of
reason, and the rightful interests of humanity.” This statement
is a clear call to Americans to awaken to the crimes that are
being committed in our names. A realistic view of what our government
threatens in our names can be no less than a call to massive public
protest on behalf of all humanity, but most of all on behalf of
ourselves and our own decency as human beings.
Nuclear weapons are instruments of
genocide. They incinerate human beings. The Peace Memorial Museums
in Hiroshima and Nagasaki display gruesome evidence of the atomic
bombings of those cities. At these museums one can see walls where
only shadows remain after the humans who cast those shadows were
incinerated.
During World War II, the Nazis put
their victims into gas chambers and then incinerated them in ovens.
While the Nazis took their victims to the incinerators, those
who possess and threaten to use nuclear weapons plan to take these
weapons—these portable incinerators—to the victims.
Nuclear weapons eliminate the need for gas chambers. They provide
a one-step incineration process—for those fortunate enough
to die immediately.
The behavior of the Nazis leading
up to and during World War II has been universally condemned.
The German people have often been criticized for their failure
to oppose the atrocities of the Nazi regime. How much more culpable
would be the citizens of the United States and the other states
that now possess nuclear weapons should these instruments of genocide
be used again!
The German people lived in fear of
the Nazis. The same cannot be said for the citizens of the nuclear
weapons states, particularly the Western nuclear weapons states.
Our silence in the face of our governments’ reliance on
these portable incinerators makes us accomplices in planned crimes
against humanity.
It is no excuse to say that these
instruments of genocide exist only to deter an enemy. In the first
place, the Cold War is over, and the United States and Russia
are not enemies. More important, there is no justification for
threatening to murder hundreds of millions of people in the name
of national security. Deterrence is only a theory, and on many
occasions, most famously the Cuban Missile Crisis, it has come
close to breaking down. General Butler describes deterrence as
a “slippery conceptual slope,” and points out that
it “holds guilty the innocent as well as the culpable.”
The International Court of Justice
found in1996 that the threat or use of nuclear weapons would be
generally illegal, and it could find no instance in which it would
be possible to use nuclear weapons without violating the laws
of armed conflict and particularly international humanitarian
law. The court reaffirmed that all nuclear weapons states have
an obligation under international law to achieve nuclear disarmament
“in all its aspects.”
Given the immorality and illegality
of using or threatening to use nuclear weapons, where is the public
outrage at the continued reliance upon these weapons in the aftermath
of the Cold War? Many people seem to believe that the threat of
nuclear holocaust ended with the end of the Cold War, but this
is far from the actual situation. Despite some bilateral reductions
in the weapons stockpiles of the United States and Russia, there
are still some 36,000 nuclear weapons in the possession of the
nuclear weapons states, with the largest number still stockpiled
by the former Cold War enemies, the United States and Russia
Worse yet, U.S. policy is still wedded
to the threatened use of these weapons. In late 1997, President
Clinton signed Presidential Decision Directive 60, which reserves
the right of the United States to be the first to use nuclear
weapons, and gives the Pentagon increased flexibility to retaliate
against non-nuclear weapon states that might use chemical or biological
weapons against the United States or its allies. This directive
was prepared in secret with no public discussion, and came to
public attention only because it was leaked to the press.
Another secret study that has recently
come to light reveals a frightening approach to nuclear arsenals
within the U.S. military command. The study, “Essentials
of Post-Cold War Deterrence,” was prepared by U.S. Strategic
Command, and was released only after a freedom of information
request by a non-governmental organization concerned with security
issues.
The study states: “Because
of the value that comes from the ambiguity of what the United
States may do to an adversary if the acts we seek to deter are
carried out, it hurts to portray our selves as too fully rational
and cool headed.” It continues: “The fact that some
elements [of the U.S. government] may appear to be potentially
‘out of control’” should create and reinforce
fears and doubts within the minds of an adversary’s decision-makers.
‘That the [United States] may become irrational and vindictive
if its vital interests are attacked should be part of the national
persona we project” to all adversaries.
In effect, this study by the U.S.
Strategic Command says that the United States should not only
continue to base its national security on the threat to retaliate
with nuclear weapons, but its decision-makers should also act
as though they are crazy enough to use them. One is left with
the eerie feeling that these supposedly rational planners who
advocate irrationality may be just crazy enough to actually use
these weapons if an opponent is crazy enough to call their bluff,
or appeared to do so. Despite Butler’s clear-sighted analyses
of deterrence as “a gamble no mortal should pretend to make,”
military leaders in the United States and other nuclear weapon
states are not giving up their reliance on their nuclear arsenals.
Butler has made many strong public
pleas for nuclear weapons abolition since his retirement from
the air force in 1994. In a recent opinion article, he wrote,
“I think that the vast majority of people on the face of
this earth will endorse the proposition that such weapons have
no place among us. There is no security to be found in nuclear
weapons. It’s a fool’s game.”
General Butler was also a member
of a prestigious international commission organized by the Australian
government, the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear
Weapons. This commission issued a report in 1996 stating: ‘The
proposition that nuclear weapons can be retained in perpetuity
and never used—accidentally or by decision—defies
credibility. The only complete defense is the elimination of nuclear
weapons and assurance that they will never be produced again.”
If the American people and the citizens
of other nuclear weapon states want to end their role as unwilling
accomplices to the threatened mass murder of entire countries,
they must make their voices heard. They must demand that their
governments proceed with nuclear disarmament “in all its
aspects,” as called for by the International Court of Justice.
If we fail to protest our reliance
on these instruments of genocide, and if these weapons are ever
used, it will be “We, the People” who will stand culpable
before history of even greater crimes than those committed by
the Nazis. We will not have the excuse that we, like most Germans
in the Nazi era, did not protest because we feared for our lives.
It will be our indifference during a time when we could have made
a difference that will be the mark of our crime against humanity.
Earlier this year more than 13 million
signatures of Japanese citizens were added to the Abolition 2000
International Petition. Each of these signatures represents a
“voice of hope” that we can end the nuclear weapons
era. We are now setting out to match this effort in the United
States and in the other nuclear weapon states. If you would like
information on how you can become involved in this campaign, visit
the Abolition 2000 web site (www.wagingpeace.org/Abolition2000/index.html),
or write to Abolition 2000, c/o Nuclear Age Peace Foundation,
1187 Coast Village Road, Suite 121, Santa Barbara, California
93108.
"We Are All Culpable"
appeared in the Letters section in the 1998 July/August edition
of the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists. David Krieger is the president
of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation (www.wagingpeace.org). He
is the co-author of Choose Hope, Your Role in Waging Peace in
the Nuclear Age (Middleway Press, 2002). |